A Conversation with Paul Craig Roberts by Gary Corseri
Transitions; Morals; Alliances and Dissolutions
CounterPunch, June 2, 2014
âThis old anvil laughs at many broken hammers.
There are men who canât be bought.
The fireborn are at home in fire.â
 âCarl Sandburg
GC: Iâve been reading your work fairly regularly over the past 4 years. Within this year, Iâve reviewed your two most recent books: The Failure of Laissez-Faire Capitalism and How America Was Lost. I know something about your background as Assistant Treasury Secretary during the Reagan Administration, and as a former associate editor and columnist for the Wall Street Journal, etc. You and I have corresponded a little, mostly about setting up this interview. Iâm glad to meet you in person.
 At one point in Lost you relate the story of a friend who had lunch with former colleagues of yours who lamented your shift in politics from a conservative âReaganiteâ to someone now writing radical articles (posted, Iâll add, at some of the best websites in the world!). These former colleagues took the attitude of âPoor Craig! He could have been really rich, like us. He just had to play alongâĻ he just had to tone it down!â So, my first question is: Whatâs the matter with you? Why didnât you take the easy path? What kind of credo drives you?
PCR:Â Well, you know, being a prostitute is not an easy path! Itâs not a role that anybody really wants. . . . itâs just people who donât have alternatives who get stuck in that role. Â I had alternatives. I held the William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Georgetown University for 12 years after I left Treasury. I was Business Weekâs columnist for about 15 years and also columnist for Scripps Howard News Service. I was an adviser to important financial institutions back when they still invested instead of gambling. I think that what some of my former colleagues were saying is that they had made more money by selling out. That was their claim to fameâthat they were now rich. [He laughs here. ] So, I felt sorry for them. My friend who related the story told me that he stood up and told them that he didnât know he was having lunch with a bunch of whores and left! [More laughter]
GC: I like to read historyâto get a grip on where we are now, to see the great continuum. You often write about the generation of our Founding Fathers; their intentions in our Constitution, our Declaration of Independence. One of the pictures on your Web articles shows you standing in front of a painting of what looks like a Revolutionary War leaderâI think heâs Alexander Hamilton. Can you tell me who is in the painting and how do you identify with him? What values do you share?
PCR: Thatâs Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury. Itâs a copy of the original. It was given to me when I was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. It hasnât any other kind of meaningâĻ. A lot of people think it implies that Iâm a Mason, because the person in the portrait has his hand in his waistcoatâlike Napoleon–and some think that this is a secret sign of Masons. But, of course, Napoleon wasnât a Mason. It has been explained to me by art historians that the reason for this is that itâs very difficult to paint the human hand, and that the price for a picture with the human hand was much greater, so at the time it was the convention to get the human hand out of the picture! I donât know if thatâs true or notâĻ.
GC:Â It sounds apocryphal!
PCR: That could beâĻ.
GC: The reason I mention itâĻ many of my âprogressiveâ friends are critical of Hamilton as the founder of the Central Bank, and so forthâĻ. Do you have any feelings about that?
PCR: When youâre forming a new country, no one really knows exactly what to do, and there were differences among the Founding FathersâĻ and I am not really the kind of historian to handle this issue. He was right and he was wrong. I think everybody was trying to do what they thought was right, and, on the whole, they succeeded. ButâĻ the troubles since then are not entirely due to their inability to anticipateâĻ.
GC: Everything changesâĻ.
PCR: Well, the Founding Fathers knew that power would accrue to Government. Thatâs why they tried to break it up into 3 coequal branches, hoping that the jealousies between the branches would keep the overall power low. Unfortunately, they did not anticipate the War Against Southern Secession, which destroyed Statesâ Rights and elevated the power of the Central GovernmentâĻ. Since then, weâve had other interest groups step forward: the Bankers who wanted the Federal Reserve so that they would have a way of endlessly expanding credit; and, of course, weâve had the so-called âWar on Terror,â which is a way to get rid of the Constitution itself! We canât really say that the Founding Fathers should have anticipated all of thisâĻ.
GC: Iâm going to ask you a question that most journalists will never ask you. Because you do touch on these matters in your books and in your articlesâĻ. You talk about the ArtsâĻ You mention in LOST that we need a new OrwellâĻ. I think we need a new Shakespeare as wellâsomeone to help us define our language better, to use it as a cutting tool. So, let me ask you: What is the role of the Arts in creating a new political culture?
PCR: Well, youâre getting over my head here, Gary. Iâm notâĻ I donât have the kind of background to answer that question in any satisfactory way.
GC: OkayâĻ this is somewhat relatedâĻ.In the 60s and early 70s, there was a flourishing of political and cultural energies. Is anything like that happening now? How can we help it along?
PCR: I think there was some energy for change with the Occupy Movement. It was put down with force and intimidationâĻ. In a very real sense, those forces in the 60s and 70s have been bought offâĻ. You donât see [for example] the kind of Black leadership that you had in the days of Martin Luther KingâĻ. Just think about the Rappersâwhen they came on the scene they were socially conscious, the songs were challenging. Now, some of them are billionaires! I saw the other day that a rapper was selling his company and Apple was going to buy his company and the guyâs going to end up a billionaire! SoâĻ where are these energetic forces going to come from? The success of the elites has been to co-opt whatever movement comes along.
GC: OkayâĻ thanks for indulging me in my particular fieldâĻ. Back to your expertise nowâĻ. You make a strong case that it wasnât âsupply sideâ economics that screwed up our economy and destroyed our middle class; rather, that had more to do with the Clinton Administrationâs de-regulation and off-shoring of jobsâĻ. Now, one definition of âgovernmentâ is âto regulate.â When we accepted âderegulationâ werenât we basically âde-governingâ ourselvesâgiving up the protections of government, oversight functions, etc.? And when that happened, didnât we turn into one big neo-con/neo-liberal hairballâliberalism and conservatism blurred into a crazed Godzilla whose main âbusinessâ is war?â How can we get back to better, sensible, more humane regulation and governance?
PCR: Iâve always regarded regulation as a factor of production. If you have too much, youâre in trouble; and if you donât have enough, youâre in trouble. The judgment of getting the right amount is open to debate. But, certainly, financial deregulation was irresponsible, because we had had the experience of a deregulated financial system [during the Great Depression] and we saw what an unsatisfactory outcome that was! So, repealing safeguards against repeating those mistakes was a great error. And, it was done by the Banks, which essentially purchased enough âThink Tanksâ with grants and donations, and enough university facultyâwith grants and donations and speaking opportunitiesâand purchased enough senators and Congressmen to get the Glass-Steagall Act repealedâand this was a fundamental error. Among other serious mistakes: the position limits on speculators was removed, and now speculators can control the markets; they no longer provide a positive function, they basically loot! They use their power for their own profitsâĻ. Also, allowing the kinds of financial concentration, where you have the banks âtoo big to fail.â Whoever heard of such a thing? If banks are too big to fail, you donât have Capitalism. The justification for Capitalism is that it eliminates those corporations that donât make efficient use of resources. Those are the ones that fail. If you donât let them fail, then you have a subsidized system that makes inefficient use of resources. All of this was a disaster.
GC: And this all happened under Clinton, basicallyâĻ.
PCR: The repeal of Glass-Steagall happened under Clinton. The subsequent deregulations happened under George W. Bush. For example, when Brooksley Born, the head of the Commodities Futures Trading Corporation, tried to perform her federal duty and regulate over-the-counter derivatives, she was blocked by the Chairman of the Federal Reserve, the Secretary of the Treasury and the head of the Securities and Exchange Commission! They took this to Congress and shouted her down and forced her out of office. The position they had was an ideological position for which I know of no evidence: that markets are âself-regulatingâ and, therefore, that markets are better regulated without regulators. This is absolute nonsense! And, itâs hard to believe that people in Congress didnât know it was nonsense. I attribute it to the influence of the Banksâthe moneyâĻ. And, lo and behold, the senator who led the deregulation was very quickly rewardedâhe was made Vice-Chairman of one of the âtoo big to failâ banks, somebody whoâs paid millions of dollars to go around giving speeches. This is the way this System works when private interests become too powerful. In the United States today, the public and private sectors have mergedâbecause the powerful private sectors essentially determine the policy of the government. There isnât really a government independent of Wall Street, the military-security complex, the Israel Lobby, the mining, energy and timber business, agribusinessâthese groups write the laws that Congress passes and the President signsâĻ. And, the Supreme Court has made it even easier for them because it has ruled that itâs legitimate for corporations to purchase the governmentâ
GC:Â âCitizens Unitedâ andâ
PCR: That was the first oneâĻ and then the most recent oneâ
PCR: In other words, there are no limits on the ability of corporations to elect the government they want. Itâs like former President Jimmy Carter said a short time ago: âAt this time, the United States does not have a functioning democracy.â Well, heâs right. We have an oligarchy. And the oligarchy rules, and the government is some sort of cloak for the rulers. You never see anything happen against the oligarchs! For example, one of the senior prosecutors for the Securities and Exchange Commission retired recently; and, he gave a speech and said that his most important cases had been blocked by the âhigher-upsâ who hoped to get good jobs with the banks that they were protecting! This is the way the government works today. It is pointless to say, âwe need more regulation.â The regulators are âcapturedâ by private interests. It was about 30 years ago that economist George Stigler said that regulatory agencies invariably wind up âcapturedâ by the industries theyâre supposed to regulate.
GC:Â What was his name?
PCR: StiglerâĻ. He won the Nobel PrizeâĻ not for that observation. He was a colleague of Milton Freedman and was jealous of Freedmanâs renown among ordinary people. Whereas, Stigler had renown only among academics. [Laughter] At any rate, I donât think you can simply say that weâll restore regulation because the regulations that are on the books canât be enforced; the higher-ups are protecting those theyâre supposed to regulateâso they can get major jobs when they leave government service.
GC:Â The ârevolving doorâ!
PCR: Itâs a sea change. And I think the only way you recover from something like this is through a catastropheâsomething comparable to the Great Depression. But even that might not do it, because the way the forces are arrayed now it seems that the so-called forces of âLaw and Orderâ are in behalf of the private interest groups. Look at who busted up the Occupy Movement. And we now have all this information of all the federal agencies being armed to the teeth, even agencies like the Social Security Administration, and the Post Office! The other day, I read where the Department of Agriculture has put in a purchase order for submachine guns! So what is all this about if not to suppress any sort of popular resistance to an economic collapse or catastrophe? And so it may be that even a catastrophe wonât let the United States recover.
GC:Â Are we past the point of no return?
PCR: Who knows? But, I gave you reasons that that could be the caseâĻ.
GC:Â I do think we are in a great transitional period. Iâm pessimistic, as you are. I think a lot of people admire your work because you made a transition, a transformation in your lifeâfrom being a conservative, Reaganite type to a radical who now writes against the systemâ
PCR: Well, Gary, let me interrupt you hereâĻ. Actually, thatâs a mistaken perception of meâĻ. Because, people think if you work in a Democratic Administration it means youâre a liberal or a Leftie; if you work in a Republican one, it means youâre a conservative or a Right Winger. But, actually, I was writing against the Establishment of the time! The supply-side movement was an attack on the Keynesian movement. The Keynesians were the Establishment! I wasnât attacking them for any ideological reasons; I was attacking them because their policies had ceased to work, and we were confronted with stagflationâwhich meant worsening inflation and worsening of unemployment; and they had no solution except to freeze everybodyâs wages, salaries and pricesâwhich was an absurd solution; it wouldnât have worked! I was as much âon the outsâ at that time as I am now. I havenât made any transition. I just see mistakes and speak against them.
GC: Youâre against rigidity. You want to be flexible; apply the best solution for the timeâĻ.
PCR: Iâm against ideological thinking. Iâm against unrealistic thinking. Iâm against the brutality of corruption! Because it endangers the country. Weâve already lost the Constitution because of this. Iâm not a radical when I defend the Constitution! Today, itâs becoming âanti-Americanâ to defend the Constitution! Not even the Supreme Court will defend it! So, itâs not a transition I made from being a conservative to a radical. Iâve always been challenging the Establishmentâwhether itâs Left Wing or Right Wing. When I began as an Economist in Washington, the Keynesian Establishment was essentially a Democratic Establishment. Today, the Establishment is the âexceptional, indispensable Americansââ a self-definition which gives you the notion that you are superior to others. Itâs like Putin said a year or so ago in one of his speeches: Americans can say that they are exceptional; but, in fact, God created us all equal.
GC: That was in his New York Times op-ed piece.
PCR: Wherever it wasâĻ when you start making these claims that you are some sort of ubermensch, you start sounding like the Nazis. And you then start acting like you have the right to run over other people, other countries because History chose you to be the hegemon! Well, this is extremely dangerousânot just to others, but itâs dangerous to Americans; because the next step is, you lose your civil liberties. And youâre faced with indefinite detention or you may be murdered! Simply because somebody in the Executive Branch suspects you might be a terrorist. So, itâs not radical to complain against the loss of the Constitution. Thatâs a very conservative position historically.
GC:Â I think itâs fair to say youâre a moralistâ
PCR: Iâm not an immoralist, I hope!
GC: Iâm wondering about your backgroundâĻ. You mention God, not thinking of ourselves, and so forthâĻ What about your upbringing? Can you tell us how these values were inculcated?
PCR: You know, it was a different world. People had to be able to look themselves in the mirrorâand that meant you had to have behaved correctly. Today, it has almost turned around! The only way you can look yourself in the mirror is if you got the better of someone else. Itâs like the Wall Street culture has taken overâĻ. And, if we look at American foreign policyâwhat itâs about is prevailing. Itâs not about diplomacy; itâs about the application of force. Our diplomacy is: If you donât do as we say, weâre going to bomb you into the Stone Age. This is not the country I grew up in!
GC: What country did you grow up in? Did you go to Church every weekâĻ?
PCR: I grew up in the United States. And the people I grew up withâtheir values, their way of lifeâwere formed in earlier times; their behavior, their appearance, their way of thinking reflected the kinds of values that were the basis of the countryâwhen such values were still effective or somewhat effective. It was before those values had been worn out and discarded. So, in that sense, Iâm a remnant of when we were finer than we are todayâĻ. And the kinds of things that happen today simply couldnât have happened earlier. I think that a great deal has been lostâĻ.
GC: Staying with this theme of things lost; values worth retaining and reclaimingâĻ. You bring up Revolution in some of your recent work, and even in your book, LostâĻ. Other writers I respect talk openly now about RevolutionâChris Hedges, for exampleâĻ. I wonder if itâs possible to organize Global Resistance against what is, in fact, a Global Empire? Is there any chance for us to unite globallyâĻ and resist?
PCR: I have no way of knowingâĻ. I suspect it would be very difficult. Thereâs so much disinformation, misinformation and propaganda. I suspect what will lead to change will simply be failure. The United States is probably in a failing mode; because it has probably overreached; its ambitions are unrealistic; and its economic base is being hollowed out. When you spend 20 years exporting your manufacturing and industrial jobs, and all of your tradable professional service jobsâlike software engineering, for exampleâyou deprive your own peopleâĻ. When jobs that American university graduates used to take are now offshored, or filled by H1-B foreign workers who are brought in at much-reduced pay, then you are decimating your own population which is losing its vitality, its ability to rise as all the ladders of mobility are dismantled. Thereâs no growth in incomes and career prospects become dim. The country that is so foolish as to export its own economy, to give its gross domestic product to other countriesâthat country hasnât any prospects. And, if that countryâs power also rests heavily on its currency being the âreserve currencyââĻ and the US government erodes confidence in the dollar by incessantly creating new money in order to support new debtâas the Federal Reserve has been doing since the 2007-2008 economic collapseâyou undermine the confidence of the world in your currency. And, if they abandon its use as the reserve currency, then your power has gone down the drainâĻ. And we see now, that the Obama regime threatening Russia with sanctionsâit shows the complete unawareness of the United States government of its precarious position, because when you threaten a major country with sanctions their alternative is to leave the dollar-paying system, as the Russians are now doing, along with China. So, if you drive them out of the payment system, what happens to your power? And others will followâĻ. I think the prospect for change will be in some sort of American collapse. It has to be coming because every part of the foundation has been undermined.
GC:Â Has that been intentional? Some people argue that the globalists actually do want to pauperize the American population, and make it docile, and increase our military strength everywhere while at the same time the people are becomingâ
PCR: Gary, that doesnât make any sense to meâĻ. Because, the globalists are American-based, and thereâs nothing they gain by losing the power base. If Americans are impoverished, certainly the globalists arenât in control in China. And, theyâre not in control of Putin. So, it can look like that, but I think itâs mainly just hubris and stupidity. What was Hitler thinking when he decided to invade the Soviet Union? He wasnât thinking.
People make mistakes. And I wouldnât think that, as mistake-prone as people are, that they can organize the world in conspiracies. That implies that people donât make mistakesâespecially these conspiracies that people think have been going on for centuries. We see every day that people make mistake after mistake. Mistake-prone humans undermine the prospect of global conspiracy. Again, what do globalists gain from undermining their own power-base? Their assets are here. Without American power the globalists have no power. Conspiracies do exist. Operation Gladio was a conspiracy. Operation Northwoods was a conspiracy. 9/11 was a conspiracy (regardless of who did it). Washingtonâs overthrow of the Ukraine government was a conspiracy. But these conspiracies served specific purposes. They were not general conspiracies. And they were conspiracies by government, not by rich elites.
GC: I do have a question related to this. Iâve been preparing for this, so let me go through it.  If you were one of the super-elite and had the power they have, is it not likely that you would conspire with your peers to maintain your power against the masses who opposed you? Like the Titans who would rather eat their children than surrender power to the upstart godsâĻ.
PCR: Well, logically, it seems that you would do that. But, what we do know is that most people are so competitive with each other that they canât get along. I mean, even families canât hold together! So, when these guys are out competing about who has the biggest yachtâĻ or oneâs mad because heâs only got 3 Penthouse playmates, and the other guyâs got half a dozenâĻ and one guyâs mad because heâs only got 10 billion dollars but the other guyâs got 15 billionâĻ and his jet plane is bigger than my jet plane! When you see all this endless competition between individuals among the eliteâthe notion that theyâre somehow going to sit down and agree on how theyâre going to do anythingâĻ. I mean, nobody can hold together! The Beatles couldnât hold together! Who had a better thing going than the Beatles? Itâs âme first!â First guy comes along and he says, Okay, Iâm going to be the leader of thisâĻ. He steps in and soon everybody else is trying to get him out because they want to be the leader! And the policy goes to hell! In the Reagan Administrationâit was all we could do to get the Presidentâs economic program out of his own Administration: it was a knock-down, drag-out fight! If Treasury had not been willing to take that burden, it wouldnât have happened. We had to make endless enemies within our own government to do what the President wanted! And there arenât many people in government who will do that! It just so happened that that particular Treasury had some feisty, fighting people, and they were backed up by the Secretary. Thatâs rare. Usually, nobody can agree! Or, everybody thinks what he wants was the agreement! And each proceeds on the basis of his own agenda. So, I think that the elitesânot all of them, there are some very nice onesâbut most of the politically active ones are mainly concerned with increasing their wealth and power. As to whether they can form up to something tight that holds a line like an old-time Mafia group–today the Mafia canât even hold together. If the Mafia canât hold together, how can these competitive, rich, educated guys who are jealous of each other?
GC: Iâm trying to make a point thatâĻ if they canât hold together against each otherâĻ but, against the masses, donât they hold a solid line?
PCR:Â I donât think thereâs a âsolid lineâ because I think there are disagreements among elites. Some of them are really nasty, and some of them have a social conscience. I knew Sir James Goldsmithâhe was a billionaire; he spent the last years of his life fighting for the people against the E.U. I knew Roger Milliken. He was a textile magnate, a billionaire. He spent his entire life–not on yachts with Playboy bunnies, but fighting for American jobsâin the Congress. He was totally opposed to all this offshoring of jobs. That doesnât mean thereâs not a whole bunch of bad ones; they do conspireâbut theyâre conspiring for themselves. Plus, you know, if a group of conspiratorial elites was seen as a threat to some particular countryâlike the United Statesâthe CIA would assassinate them. If the CIA wants to kill every billionaire, they can do it tomorrow. So, itâs really not so much about individuals as it is about corporate interests, or sector interestsâagribusiness, Wall Streetâthose guys seem to fix it somehow so that all of them can gain from it, even though they try to cut each otherâs throats. Thatâs a different kind of maneuveringâand thatâs the kind we have to be worried about at this time.
GC: You make some solid, perhaps indisputable points, that there isnât one unified âelite.â That some of the worst aspects of human natureâour selfishness, greed, hubris, even stupidityâmilitate against such unity. Still, having no desire to join that groupâĻ I wonder about the possibility of alliances among us children of a lesser God? Ralph Nader has a new book, UNSTOPPABLE. He proposes an alliance of Left and Right. Iâve been wondering for a long time: Is there any way we can work together and transcend these political divisions, these ideological divisions, and find common ground?
PCR: I have no idea. I have nothing against it. You know, Iâm not an activist. Nader is. Iâm a thinker, I analyze. I can see where explanations or perceptions are wrong, and how wrong explanations, and wrong economic theory, and wrong perceptionsâlike the âRussian threatââcan lead to total disasters. I try to tell people what really is going on. I think we actually do live in the Matrix. And our perceptions are controlled by propaganda: some of it intentional, some unintentional. Some just because people donât think things through. I try to show people what reality is in so far as I can ascertain it. At least I can show them a different way of seeing what is happening. That doesnât make me a political activist, because Iâm not trying to organize people, Iâm trying to wake them up, trying to make them aware. And, what they do with thatâI donât know. If they organize successfully, and they can find leaders capable of pulling off something like thatâthatâs great! I donât really know the answer about forming alliances. I suspect that aspects of the Matrix are falling away; people are starting to realize that American propaganda doesnât make sense; that we destroyed 7 countries in the 21st centuryâin whole or in part. I donât think many people are falling for the propaganda that Russia invaded Ukraine and stole Crimea. I donât think thatâs the perception in Europe. It could be that the ability of the formal propagandaâthe intentional liesâmay be losing convincing power. If so, it makes it easier for people to escape the unintentional lies, or the misperceived ways of thinking. So, there could be big changeâĻ. If the E.U. failed, it would have a huge impact on American power. We would no longer be able to claim that we had a âcoalition of the willingâ or that we were acting in the name of NATO. The aggressive behavior of the United States would be recognized for what it isâwar crimes! If Germany, for example, were to say: Look, we have too many relations with Russia, we see our future differently than Washington sees itâĻ.
GC:Â So, you must feel heartened by the E.U. parliamentary elections this past weekâthe rise of the âEuro-skepticsââ
PCR:Â Those elections were not about âraceâ and immigrants. They were about dissatisfaction with the whole concept of the E.U.âthe loss of national sovereignty. The Greeks, the Italians, the Portuguese, the Irishâthey feel like theyâve lost their sovereignty. The only ones that are âholding onâ are the Germans, the French and the Britishâso it starts to look like the E.U. is some sort of Anglo-German-Franco Empire. And even the Germans, French and Brits have their issues with it. The Germans donât like it that their government is a puppet state of Washington.
GC:Â So, this is one positive thing thatâs happening nowâ
PCR: These dissolutions are positive. But, I donât have a plan on how to bring them about. I think if you organized such a plan, youâd be met with overwhelming oppositionâĻ. But, if you havenât got a planâitâs more than likely to happen. To wind this up: I think that humans are capable of every kind of error, every kind of stupid mistake. And this means that holding anything together, even a family, is difficult. Half of the marriages end in divorce! So, youâve got two people in love, two people intimate together, and they canât hold together. So, somehow youâre going to have a plot thatâs going to overwhelm the world? Itâs not going to happen! I think youâre going to have continuing errors, crises, and mistakes. And I think the United States has made a massive number of them since the Clinton Administration. All the kinds of restraints that George H. W. Bush had in foreign policyâremember the first Iraq War? That was to get them out of Kuwait. We didnât go on to attack Iraq. This is the kind of restraint that lets a country continue to exist. But, since that time weâve seen the most reckless kinds of behavior. I think itâs turning the world against us, and the consequences could be catastrophic. I think we can place our hope in the fact that whatâs here today wonât stand, because itâs shaky and the mistakes are multiplying. Itâs going to come down. And, when it doesâthat gives the opportunity to change. And to try to bring that about through some revolutionary movement is not going to succeed. But, it will succeed on its own.
GC:Â To quote Shakespeare: âthe readiness is all.â
PCR:Â Yes. Right!
Paul Craig Roberts is a former Assistant Secretary of the U.S. Treasury, and a former columnist for Business Week. He held the William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy at the Center for Strategic and International Studies for a dozen years after leaving the Treasury. He has authored ten books, including, âThe Supply-Side Revolutionâ (Harvard University Press, 1984, translated and published in China in 2013), The Failure of Laissez Faire Capitalism (2013), and âHow America Was Lostâ (2014). His official home page is: https://www.paulcraigroberts.org/.Â
Gary Corseri has published novels and poetry collections, and his dramas have been produced on PBS-Atlanta and elsewhere. He has performed his poems at the Carter Presidential Center and has taught in US prisons and public schools, and at US and Japanese universities. Contact: gary_corseri@comcast.net.